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Sunday, October 18, 2009

Lunar Eclipse


The moon rises at its northernmost point only once every 18.6 years, and when it does, it aligns exactly along this southern Ohio earth sculpture.

If you didn't know any better, you might mistake the Newark Earthworks in southern Ohio for the product of some giant celestial spirit who went crazy with an Etch A Sketch. The Earthworks (or what's left of them) are actually a series of huge geometric mounds that anthropologists believe were created two millennia ago by ancestors of Native Americans called the Hopewell people. The most significant feature still standing is known as the Octagon, which has 550-foot-long earthen walls and a footprint big enough to hold four Roman Colosseums. The structure is connected, via two parallel embankments, to a perfect, 20-acre circle. Together the two shapes form a sophisticated astronomical observatory—scientists have discovered that the structure is precisely aligned with the 18.6-year lunar cycle's northernmost moonrise. The residents of Newark will tell you that it is also precisely aligned with the ninth fairway at the private Moundbuilders Country Club.

In fact, the Earthworks have become something of a dwarf star within the golf course's universe. Carts zip over sacred embankments. A cherished mound doubles as the ninth tee. The Earthworks are a National Historic Landmark, and they are under consideration for the UNESCO World Heritage list of cultural and natural wonders. But if you want to see them—well, you're too late. During the golf season, everyone but club members is kept out, except on four visiting days—the last one of the year was Oct. 18—or on Monday mornings, when maintenance crews in biohazard suits spray pesticides and fertilizer. "If we had a Great Pyramid," says Newark Mayor Bob Diebold, "would we have turned it into a water slide?"

Let's not condemn the duffers so fast. The club, which since 1910 has occupied the Octagon and covered all maintenance costs, is widely credited with preventing the place from being plowed under. The issue is how to accommodate nonmembers who want more access, especially for Native American ceremonial purposes. "When I'm in the Octagon, I lose my sense of direction," says Christine Ballengee Morris, a Cherokee professor of art education at Ohio State University. "It smells different, sounds different. It's not a golf course anymore. For a moment, I have a connection with my ancestors and hopefully my future."

Most visitors end up seeing only a tiny part of the Octagon from a small observation deck. Or they can follow the asphalt cart path that winds past the swimming pool, an old tennis court, and a parking lot to reach a chain-link fence through which, off in the distance, they can glimpse the loaf-shaped mound known as the Observatory. Several years ago the financially strapped Ohio Historical Society, which owns the Earthworks, extended the club's lease until 2078. If the World Heritage site nomination goes through, tourism would undoubtedly jump. That would certainly put more pressure on the club and historical society. One frequently suggested scenario is for the federal government to buy out the club and turn the Newark Earthworks into a national park.

Some people simply refuse to be intimidated by men wearing spiky shoes and pastel shirts. Cherokee elder Barbara Crandell has climbed the Observatory to pray for more than two decades—but not once, the octogenarian is proud to point out, when the golf course has dictated. She goes when her heart calls. A few years ago, after Crandell, with the aid of a cane, made her way to the top, club officials showed up and asked her to leave. When she refused, she was arrested and later convicted of trespassing. Friends passed the hat and paid off her $883 fine and court costs in Sacagawea dollar coins.


By Debra Weiner


From Dayton to Dysfunction


Five numbers that suggest Bosnia is becoming a failed state.

Remember Bosnia? The country that fought a three-year civil war in the 1990s with 100,000 dead continues its downward slide. Since the Dayton peace accord, which ended the war in 1995, Bosnia has been divided into two entities—one called the Republika Srpska (RS) with a Serbian majority and the other a federation of Muslims and Croats. The leader of the RS, Milorad Diodik, has lately stepped up his calls for secession because he feels the Serbs have been marginalized by both the government and the international community. American and European officials are waging an intense diplomatic campaign to head off what could be serious political trouble.

But the real story is Bosnia's dysfunction as a state. While many Bosnians have long hoped to join the European Union, the national government has been unable to stand on its own feet since the end of the war. Analysts say the country is looking more and more like a failed state. Here are five numbers that suggest they're right.

  • $14 billion. That's the amount of money the international community spent on reconstruction of Bosnia between 1996 and 2007, according to the U.S. State Department—more per capita than the amount spent to rebuild Germany and Japan after World War II. Yet much of the country remains in ruins, including the beautiful Ottoman-era national library destroyed by Serb shelling.
  • Negative 3. That's Bosnia's GDP so far this year, according to the International Monetary Fund. Just three years ago, the figure stood at 6.9 percent.
  • 41.6. That's the percentage of working-age Bosnians who are jobless—at least according to estimates. Many of them are probably "employed" in the country's sprawling gray and black markets.
  • 500,000. The number of illegal weapons scattered among a populace of 4 million, according to the United Nations Development Program. In January the country's top official for the fight against organized crime and terrorism was arrested in Croatia, suspected of illegal-arms trafficking.
  • Nearly 100 percent. The number of Bosnians who believe corruption in their country is endemic, according to the World Bank.


Apparently, they know what they're talking about.

By Ginanne Brownell

Mr. Deeds Goes to Town


Can dyed-in-the-wool southern Democrat Creigh Deeds beat out his slick Republican rival for the Virginia governor's office? Welcome to the first big electoral test of Barack Obama's presidency.

Last summer, Creigh Deeds, the Democratic candidate for governor of Virginia, killed a 270-pound black bear with his car near the little Appalachian town of Millboro, where the two of us grew up in the 1970s. The bear had lumbered out of the woods and Deeds couldn't brake fast enough. The bear died instantly. The candidate's car didn't fare much better. The news went out over the police scanner, and within a few hours most everyone in rural Bath County knew all about it. It wasn't long before Deeds started receiving urgent calls from locals. They weren't worried about him. They wanted to know what he was going to do with the bear. "People kept coming up to me for days," Deeds recalled recently when I traveled around the state with him. " 'Can I have your bear, Creigh, can I have your bear?' " They wanted to use it to train bluetick hounds for hunting, or to make a rug, or to eat.

For more than 20 years, Deeds has served the people of Bath County locally and in the Virginia Legislature. They like him in part because he is one of them, and because he's nothing like the picture that pops into your head when you think of a politician. Deeds is the opposite of slick and rehearsed. His accent is country South, not Southern genteel. His campaign speeches ramble. He sometimes tells stories that are funny and endearing, but that don't seem to have a point. "People said a fella from Bath County can't be the nominee," he told a crowd in Danville last month. "Now they're saying a fella from Bath County can't be governor." The punch line of the story: "But I know you gotta do right by people … I grew up on a dirt farm. We ate hogs and deer."

In many respects, Deeds is a Democratic political consultant's dream candidate for a Southern state like Virginia. He's more conservative than many Republicans. He fishes and hunts, and knows the parts of a hog without consulting Cook's Illustrated. In previous races for governor, political handlers made big money trying to make candidates look like authentic Southerners. Mark Warner, the popular former Democratic governor and now U.S. senator, was a Harvard Law grad from Indianapolis who'd made millions incell phones. But on the campaign trail, he talked about guns and NASCAR to appeal to voters like the ones Deeds grew up with.


But many voters in his rural district aren't going to vote for him. They're throwing their support to his conservative Republican opponent, Bob McDonnell, who beat out Deeds for Virginia attorney general in 2005 by only 360 votes out of 2 million. Pressed and polished and with never a word (or hair) out of place, McDonnell is the picture that pops into your head when you think of a politician. There is no mistaking McDonnell for a country local. But Deeds, despite winning a big upset in the primary, is trailing him by 9 points (53–44) in the latest
Washington Post poll.
Deeds doesn't need to fake it. Voters like my parents and their neighbors know he's the real thing. People tell stories about the year he knocked on nearly every door in the county when he was running for his first elected office. They remember how he was nearly killed at 12 years old, when he was struck by a runaway truck that rolled down the steep hill in front of the school during the homecoming football game. Deeds lay in a coma for 16 days, then suddenly woke up. Everyone knows his mom, Emmie, a letter carrier, who still delivers the mail to my parents. My mom, who has a beauty shop in her house, used to cut Deeds's hair. My dad has served with him for years in the Millboro Presbyterian Church. (Deeds was three years ahead of me in school. We played basketball and rode the same schoolbus, but we weren't close friends.) The people back home supported Deeds, 51, as he worked his way from local commonwealth's attorney to state delegate to state senator. Now that he's running for governor, the people of Bath County still like him.

There's a lot riding on Deeds in this election, and not just for him. Virginia's election is being closely watched—along with that of struggling incumbent Democratic Gov. Jon Corzine in New Jersey—as the first real electoral test of Barack Obama's presidency. The off-year results could offer hints of what could happen nationally in the 2010 midterm elections.


By Steve Tuttle

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